Union and Employers: 1901 to 1919 - Revision history

Ccarlsson at 23:18, 19 November 2021

2021-11-19T23:18:08Z

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	[[Union and Employers: 1919 to the Mid-1930s\|continue reading]]		[[Union and Employers: 1919 to the Mid-1930s\|continue reading]]

	[[category:1900s]] [[category:1890s]] [[category:labor]] [[category:racism]] [[category:Irish]] [[category:Power and Money]] [[category:1910s]] [[category:African-American]] [[category:Downtown]] [[category:Mission]]		[[category:1900s]] [[category:1890s]] [[category:labor]] [[category:racism]] [[category:Irish]] [[category:Power and Money]] [[category:1910s]] [[category:African-American]] [[category:Downtown]] [[category:Mission]] [[category:San Francisco 1865-1932: Politics, Power, and Urban Development]]

Ccarlsson: added photo

2021-11-02T19:51:57Z

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	Both “the open shop” and “law and order” took a back seat among businessmen after the earthquake and fire of April 1906. In the rush to rebuild, many San Francisco employers agreed to wage increases and improvements in working conditions as a necessary part of maintaining and expanding their work forces.(31) By one estimate, union wage scales advanced 20 percent in the year following the earthquake. There were, however, a number of union reverses after 1906 as well. Although the BTC saw its affiliates’ membership nearly double, some unions did not survive the destruction of 1906 at all because some factories were not rebuilt or union members were scattered to new places of employment.(32) Despite gains among construction unions, the membership of Labor Council affiliates remained steady.		Both “the open shop” and “law and order” took a back seat among businessmen after the earthquake and fire of April 1906. In the rush to rebuild, many San Francisco employers agreed to wage increases and improvements in working conditions as a necessary part of maintaining and expanding their work forces.(31) By one estimate, union wage scales advanced 20 percent in the year following the earthquake. There were, however, a number of union reverses after 1906 as well. Although the BTC saw its affiliates’ membership nearly double, some unions did not survive the destruction of 1906 at all because some factories were not rebuilt or union members were scattered to new places of employment.(32) Despite gains among construction unions, the membership of Labor Council affiliates remained steady.

			[[Image:California Baking Company carpentry shop courtesy Society of California Pioneers.jpg\|800px]]

			'''California Baking Company's carpentry shop, rebuilt here in 1908 after the quake.'''

			''Photo: courtesy Society of California Pioneers''

	The half-dozen years after the earthquake also saw several employers undertake antiunion drives, albeit without material support from any city-wide coalition. The most notable, the [[Bloody Tuesday\|1907 strike against the United Railroads]], which ran nearly all the city’s streetcar lines, brought strong and united support for the Carmen’s Union from all parts of the labor movement including the BTC. Between May 1907 and March 1908, six men died of gunshot wounds, twenty-five people were killed in streetcar accidents, and more than a thousand were injured in accidents or in incidents between strikers and strikebreakers. In the end, the union acknowledged a defeat and turned in its charter. A much shorter and less violent strike against the Pacific Telephone and Telegraph Company brought a similar defeat for that union. The unions of the city also suffered embarrassment beginning in late 1906 and continuing for the next four years when the city’s newspapers carried report after report of graft and corruption among the labor party officeholders elected in 1905. Patrick McCarthy himself ran for mayor in 1907 but lost. He came back to win the office in 1909. The years from 1907 to the outbreak of war in Europe brought stable times for the city’s labor movement with few major conflicts and no strong open-shop campaign among the city’s employers.(33)		The half-dozen years after the earthquake also saw several employers undertake antiunion drives, albeit without material support from any city-wide coalition. The most notable, the [[Bloody Tuesday\|1907 strike against the United Railroads]], which ran nearly all the city’s streetcar lines, brought strong and united support for the Carmen’s Union from all parts of the labor movement including the BTC. Between May 1907 and March 1908, six men died of gunshot wounds, twenty-five people were killed in streetcar accidents, and more than a thousand were injured in accidents or in incidents between strikers and strikebreakers. In the end, the union acknowledged a defeat and turned in its charter. A much shorter and less violent strike against the Pacific Telephone and Telegraph Company brought a similar defeat for that union. The unions of the city also suffered embarrassment beginning in late 1906 and continuing for the next four years when the city’s newspapers carried report after report of graft and corruption among the labor party officeholders elected in 1905. Patrick McCarthy himself ran for mayor in 1907 but lost. He came back to win the office in 1909. The years from 1907 to the outbreak of war in Europe brought stable times for the city’s labor movement with few major conflicts and no strong open-shop campaign among the city’s employers.(33)

Ccarlsson: added photos

2021-11-02T19:50:09Z

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	Initially, many of the draymen supported the teamsters’ action, but when the Employers’ Association formed the Merchants’ Drayage and Warehouse Company to compete with the Draymen’s Association, they swung against the union and yielded full control over events to the Employers’ Association. One draying company after another locked out their workers for refusal to haul goods of the nonunion company. Eventually the Teamsters voted that all their members should strike. When unionized beer bottlers refused to handle goods delivered by nonunion drivers, their employers declared an open shop. Other firms also discharged employees who refused to load or unload wagons driven by strikebreakers. The teamsters and their sympathizers, locked out and on strike, joined several strikes already in progress: restaurant cooks and waiters, bakers and bakery wagon drivers, metal polishers, and the fourteen-union Iron Trades Council, striking as part of a nationwide effort against the National Metal Trades Association. Earlier in the summer there had been strikes of butchers and carriage workers; the latter settled only when the Teamsters’ Union had threatened to stop deliveries to nonunion carriage companies.(20)		Initially, many of the draymen supported the teamsters’ action, but when the Employers’ Association formed the Merchants’ Drayage and Warehouse Company to compete with the Draymen’s Association, they swung against the union and yielded full control over events to the Employers’ Association. One draying company after another locked out their workers for refusal to haul goods of the nonunion company. Eventually the Teamsters voted that all their members should strike. When unionized beer bottlers refused to handle goods delivered by nonunion drivers, their employers declared an open shop. Other firms also discharged employees who refused to load or unload wagons driven by strikebreakers. The teamsters and their sympathizers, locked out and on strike, joined several strikes already in progress: restaurant cooks and waiters, bakers and bakery wagon drivers, metal polishers, and the fourteen-union Iron Trades Council, striking as part of a nationwide effort against the National Metal Trades Association. Earlier in the summer there had been strikes of butchers and carriage workers; the latter settled only when the Teamsters’ Union had threatened to stop deliveries to nonunion carriage companies.(20)

			[[Image:California Baking Company at Fillmore and Eddy wagons ready to distribute bread courtesy Society of California Pioneers.jpg\|800px]]

			'''California Baking Company at Fillmore and Eddy, wagons ready to distribute bread in 1908.'''

			''Photo: courtesy Society of California Pioneers''

			[[Image:California Baking Company bake shop2 courtesy Society of California Pioneers.jpg\|800px]]

			'''California Baking Company bakeshop at Fillmore and Eddy Streets.'''

			''Photo: courtesy Society of California Pioneers''

	Most union leaders of 1901 remembered vividly how the Manufacturers’ and Employers’ Association of 1891 had decimated union after union. Determined to prevent a recurrence of those events, convinced (in Furuseth’s words) that the “employers are determined to wipe out labor unions one after another,” the city’s labor leaders took stock of their resources, realized they could never hope to match the estimated half-million dollar raised by the Employers’ Association, and understood that the BTC would never join if the Labor Council called a general strike. Concluding that the survival of the Teamsters—and many other unions as well—depended on labor’s ability to convince the Employers’ Association to back down, the City Front Federation voted to shut down the waterfront.(21)		Most union leaders of 1901 remembered vividly how the Manufacturers’ and Employers’ Association of 1891 had decimated union after union. Determined to prevent a recurrence of those events, convinced (in Furuseth’s words) that the “employers are determined to wipe out labor unions one after another,” the city’s labor leaders took stock of their resources, realized they could never hope to match the estimated half-million dollar raised by the Employers’ Association, and understood that the BTC would never join if the Labor Council called a general strike. Concluding that the survival of the Teamsters—and many other unions as well—depended on labor’s ability to convince the Employers’ Association to back down, the City Front Federation voted to shut down the waterfront.(21)

Ccarlsson at 06:12, 22 October 2021

2021-10-22T06:12:26Z

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	Both “the open shop” and “law and order” took a back seat among businessmen after the earthquake and fire of April 1906. In the rush to rebuild, many San Francisco employers agreed to wage increases and improvements in working conditions as a necessary part of maintaining and expanding their work forces.(31) By one estimate, union wage scales advanced 20 percent in the year following the earthquake. There were, however, a number of union reverses after 1906 as well. Although the BTC saw its affiliates’ membership nearly double, some unions did not survive the destruction of 1906 at all because some factories were not rebuilt or union members were scattered to new places of employment.(32) Despite gains among construction unions, the membership of Labor Council affiliates remained steady.		Both “the open shop” and “law and order” took a back seat among businessmen after the earthquake and fire of April 1906. In the rush to rebuild, many San Francisco employers agreed to wage increases and improvements in working conditions as a necessary part of maintaining and expanding their work forces.(31) By one estimate, union wage scales advanced 20 percent in the year following the earthquake. There were, however, a number of union reverses after 1906 as well. Although the BTC saw its affiliates’ membership nearly double, some unions did not survive the destruction of 1906 at all because some factories were not rebuilt or union members were scattered to new places of employment.(32) Despite gains among construction unions, the membership of Labor Council affiliates remained steady.

	The half-dozen years after the earthquake also saw several employers undertake antiunion drives, albeit without material support from any city-wide coalition. The most notable, the 1907 strike against the United Railroads, which ran nearly all the city’s streetcar lines, brought strong and united support for the Carmen’s Union from all parts of the labor movement including the BTC. Between May 1907 and March 1908, six men died of gunshot wounds, twenty-five people were killed in streetcar accidents, and more than a thousand were injured in accidents or in incidents between strikers and strikebreakers. In the end, the union acknowledged a defeat and turned in its charter. A much shorter and less violent strike against the Pacific Telephone and Telegraph Company brought a similar defeat for that union. The unions of the city also suffered embarrassment beginning in late 1906 and continuing for the next four years when the city’s newspapers carried report after report of graft and corruption among the labor party officeholders elected in 1905. Patrick McCarthy himself ran for mayor in 1907 but lost. He came back to win the office in 1909. The years from 1907 to the outbreak of war in Europe brought stable times for the city’s labor movement with few major conflicts and no strong open-shop campaign among the city’s employers.(33)		The half-dozen years after the earthquake also saw several employers undertake antiunion drives, albeit without material support from any city-wide coalition. The most notable, the [[Bloody Tuesday\|1907 strike against the United Railroads]], which ran nearly all the city’s streetcar lines, brought strong and united support for the Carmen’s Union from all parts of the labor movement including the BTC. Between May 1907 and March 1908, six men died of gunshot wounds, twenty-five people were killed in streetcar accidents, and more than a thousand were injured in accidents or in incidents between strikers and strikebreakers. In the end, the union acknowledged a defeat and turned in its charter. A much shorter and less violent strike against the Pacific Telephone and Telegraph Company brought a similar defeat for that union. The unions of the city also suffered embarrassment beginning in late 1906 and continuing for the next four years when the city’s newspapers carried report after report of graft and corruption among the labor party officeholders elected in 1905. Patrick McCarthy himself ran for mayor in 1907 but lost. He came back to win the office in 1909. The years from 1907 to the outbreak of war in Europe brought stable times for the city’s labor movement with few major conflicts and no strong open-shop campaign among the city’s employers.(33)

	By World War I, San Francisco had acquired a reputation as the most unionized city in the nation: a “closed-shop city.” Despite the union shops established by the BTC, the SUP, Teamsters, culinary workers, and others, the city did not deserve its “closed-shop” reputation. Many sectors of the economy remained only partially organized, and others totally lacked unionization. While the BTC, Molders, SUP, and a few other unions may have included all—or nearly all—those in that trade as members, other unions had difficulty in organizing more than a small part of their potential membership. The culinary workers had a union-shop agreement with some restaurant owners, but many restaurants were not party to the agreement.		By World War I, San Francisco had acquired a reputation as the most unionized city in the nation: a “closed-shop city.” Despite the union shops established by the BTC, the SUP, Teamsters, culinary workers, and others, the city did not deserve its “closed-shop” reputation. Many sectors of the economy remained only partially organized, and others totally lacked unionization. While the BTC, Molders, SUP, and a few other unions may have included all—or nearly all—those in that trade as members, other unions had difficulty in organizing more than a small part of their potential membership. The culinary workers had a union-shop agreement with some restaurant owners, but many restaurants were not party to the agreement.
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	San Francisco business leaders, from the earthquake of 1906 through World War I, had other priorities than confrontation with unions. As reconstruction of the city proceeded apace, the Panama Canal seized the imagination of many. Described by one booster as “the most important geographical fact since the discovery of America,” the canal seemed to pose “imperial possibilities” for San Francisco, prompting one business leader to predict that “before the end of the twentieth century San Francisco shall have superseded New York as the imperial city of America.” The bankers’ journal discerned but one cloud on this boundless horizon: “the possibility of a labor war, with the open shop as an issue, in this the most strongly unionized city in the country.”(36)		San Francisco business leaders, from the earthquake of 1906 through World War I, had other priorities than confrontation with unions. As reconstruction of the city proceeded apace, the Panama Canal seized the imagination of many. Described by one booster as “the most important geographical fact since the discovery of America,” the canal seemed to pose “imperial possibilities” for San Francisco, prompting one business leader to predict that “before the end of the twentieth century San Francisco shall have superseded New York as the imperial city of America.” The bankers’ journal discerned but one cloud on this boundless horizon: “the possibility of a labor war, with the open shop as an issue, in this the most strongly unionized city in the country.”(36)

	Conflict seemed imminent in 1914 when a group of businessmen formed a Merchants’ and Manufacturers Association that absorbed the remnants of the Citizens’ Alliance. No open-shop drive was launched that year or in 1915, however, due to fears for the success of the Panama Pacific International Exposition. Most business leaders saw the exposition as crucial to attracting new manufacturing and developing a tourist industry. In mid-1916, however, the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce, the city’s leading business organization, undertook an antiunion drive. Though interrupted briefly by World War I, this campaign ultimately destroyed many of the city’s most potent unions.(37)		Conflict seemed imminent in 1914 when a group of businessmen formed a Merchants’ and Manufacturers Association that absorbed the remnants of the Citizens’ Alliance. No open-shop drive was launched that year or in 1915, however, due to fears for the success of the [[SAILING TO BYZANTIUM: 1915 Panama Pacific International Exposition\|Panama Pacific International Exposition]]. Most business leaders saw the exposition as crucial to attracting new manufacturing and developing a tourist industry. In mid-1916, however, the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce, the city’s leading business organization, undertook [[Rising Tensions Engulf 1916 San Francisco: Class War Precedes World War I\|an antiunion drive]]. Though interrupted briefly by World War I, this campaign ultimately destroyed many of the city’s most potent unions.(37)

	Frederick Koster, a key person in the formation of the Merchants’ and Manufacturers’ Association in 1914, became president of the Chamber of Commerce in May 1916, just as the economic impact of the war in Europe was becoming more and more apparent. High demand for American goods, a relative shortage of labor, and rising prices all combined to encourage unions to make wage and hour demands. June 1 marked the beginning of a coastwide strike by the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA). On June 22, the Chamber of Commerce resolved that the strike constituted “an unwarranted coast-wide combination and effort to interfere with the commerce of the Port of San Francisco,” charged the ILA with “indirect and unlawful . . . enforcement of closed shop conditions,” and castigated the union for its “spirit of ruthlessness” against “helpless” shipowners. Denying any opposition to organized labor, the Chamber insisted on “the maintenance of law and order in labor disputes” and on “the right to employ union or non-union workers, in whole or in part, as the parties involved may elect.” The Chamber pledged “its entire organization and the resources it represents” to the open shop and the defense of law and order and served notice that it would oppose “any effort ... to throttle the commercial freedom of San Francisco.” Soon after, Koster and a Chamber delegation asked Mayor James Rolph to hire five hundred special policemen for the waterfront; Rolph instead ordered the regular police to search all strikebreakers for concealed weapons. Koster thereupon called a special meeting of all city businessmen, and, by the Chamber’s count, two thousand responded.(38)		Frederick Koster, a key person in the formation of the Merchants’ and Manufacturers’ Association in 1914, became president of the Chamber of Commerce in May 1916, just as the economic impact of the war in Europe was becoming more and more apparent. High demand for American goods, a relative shortage of labor, and rising prices all combined to encourage unions to make wage and hour demands. June 1 marked the beginning of a coastwide strike by the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA). On June 22, the Chamber of Commerce resolved that the strike constituted “an unwarranted coast-wide combination and effort to interfere with the commerce of the Port of San Francisco,” charged the ILA with “indirect and unlawful . . . enforcement of closed shop conditions,” and castigated the union for its “spirit of ruthlessness” against “helpless” shipowners. Denying any opposition to organized labor, the Chamber insisted on “the maintenance of law and order in labor disputes” and on “the right to employ union or non-union workers, in whole or in part, as the parties involved may elect.” The Chamber pledged “its entire organization and the resources it represents” to the open shop and the defense of law and order and served notice that it would oppose “any effort ... to throttle the commercial freedom of San Francisco.” Soon after, Koster and a Chamber delegation asked Mayor James Rolph to hire five hundred special policemen for the waterfront; Rolph instead ordered the regular police to search all strikebreakers for concealed weapons. Koster thereupon called a special meeting of all city businessmen, and, by the Chamber’s count, two thousand responded.(38)

Ccarlsson at 06:03, 22 October 2021

2021-10-22T06:03:17Z

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	[[Image:Streetcars-on-Van-Ness-betw-23rd-and-24th-looking-north Oct-1911 U03245.jpg\|800px]]		[[Image:Streetcars-on-Van-Ness-betw-23rd-and-24th-looking-north Oct-1911 U03245.jpg\|800px]]

	'''Streetcars on Van Ness between 23rd and 24th in the Mission, looking north, Oct. 1911.'''		'''Streetcars on Van Ness between 23rd and 24th in the Mission, looking north, Oct. 1911. Repeated [[Bloody Tuesday\|strikes]] in the first years of the 1900s led to the eventual demise of the carmen's union in 1908.'''

	''Photo: courtesy SFMTA photo archive, U03245''		''Photo: courtesy SFMTA photo archive, U03245''
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	From July 1916 until April 1917, the Law and Order Committee dominated industrial relations in San Francisco, raising the hue and cry against radical unionists following the [[TOM MOONEY\|bombing of the city’s Preparedness Day parade on July 22]], assisting the Restaurant Men’s Association in breaking a strike by the culinary workers’ unions, establishing the open shop in retail lumberyards, and securing passage of a strict antipicketing initiative in November 1916. The committee hired four hundred telephone operators to call every voter in the city and urge support for the ordinance. Thereafter, picketing of any sort became illegal, punishable by fifty days in jail.(40)		From July 1916 until April 1917, the Law and Order Committee dominated industrial relations in San Francisco, raising the hue and cry against radical unionists following the [[TOM MOONEY\|bombing of the city’s Preparedness Day parade on July 22]], assisting the Restaurant Men’s Association in breaking a strike by the culinary workers’ unions, establishing the open shop in retail lumberyards, and securing passage of a strict antipicketing initiative in November 1916. The committee hired four hundred telephone operators to call every voter in the city and urge support for the ordinance. Thereafter, picketing of any sort became illegal, punishable by fifty days in jail.(40)

			[[Image:Kutz-Shoe-Factory-picket-line-c.-1915-CHS Chamber-of-Commerce-files.jpg]]

			'''Orderly 1915 picket line at shoe factory from the Chamber of Commerce files.'''

			''Photo: California Historical Society''

	<font size=4>Notes</font size>		<font size=4>Notes</font size>

Ccarlsson at 23:36, 21 October 2021

2021-10-21T23:36:18Z

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	Unions denied the predictable charges that they had incited violence and lawlessness, although Gallagher did acknowledge that the use of strikebreakers caused problems; “We are very often met on our side with over-anxious sympathizers. Sometimes they are union men and sometimes they are not.” John O’Connell, secretary of the Labor Council, denied that unionists were any more violent than employers, but noted in 1901: “If a dog got run over in the middle of Market Street the teamster would be blamed for killing him.” O’Connell flatly denied that the teamsters were responsible for violence in 1901, attributing the violence instead to “the thugs, the gunmen of the employers’ association.”(30)		Unions denied the predictable charges that they had incited violence and lawlessness, although Gallagher did acknowledge that the use of strikebreakers caused problems; “We are very often met on our side with over-anxious sympathizers. Sometimes they are union men and sometimes they are not.” John O’Connell, secretary of the Labor Council, denied that unionists were any more violent than employers, but noted in 1901: “If a dog got run over in the middle of Market Street the teamster would be blamed for killing him.” O’Connell flatly denied that the teamsters were responsible for violence in 1901, attributing the violence instead to “the thugs, the gunmen of the employers’ association.”(30)

	<font size=4>Labor’s City, 1906–1916</font size>		<font size=4>Labor’s City, 1906–1916</font size>

	Both “the open shop” and “law and order” took a back seat among businessmen after the earthquake and fire of April 1906. In the rush to rebuild, many San Francisco employers agreed to wage increases and improvements in working conditions as a necessary part of maintaining and expanding their work forces.(31) By one estimate, union wage scales advanced 20 percent in the year following the earthquake. There were, however, a number of union reverses after 1906 as well. Although the BTC saw its affiliates’ membership nearly double, some unions did not survive the destruction of 1906 at all because some factories were not rebuilt or union members were scattered to new places of employment.(32) Despite gains among construction unions, the membership of Labor Council affiliates remained steady.		Both “the open shop” and “law and order” took a back seat among businessmen after the earthquake and fire of April 1906. In the rush to rebuild, many San Francisco employers agreed to wage increases and improvements in working conditions as a necessary part of maintaining and expanding their work forces.(31) By one estimate, union wage scales advanced 20 percent in the year following the earthquake. There were, however, a number of union reverses after 1906 as well. Although the BTC saw its affiliates’ membership nearly double, some unions did not survive the destruction of 1906 at all because some factories were not rebuilt or union members were scattered to new places of employment.(32) Despite gains among construction unions, the membership of Labor Council affiliates remained steady.
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	20. Cross, ''A History of the Labor Movement in California'', p. 242; Knight, ''Industrial Relations'', pp. 67—77; Page, "San Francisco Labor Movement in 1901," pp. 676—678; Robinson, “San Francisco Teamsters,” pp. 66 — 68, 145 — 148.<br>		20. Cross, ''A History of the Labor Movement in California'', p. 242; Knight, ''Industrial Relations'', pp. 67—77; Page, "San Francisco Labor Movement in 1901," pp. 676—678; Robinson, “San Francisco Teamsters,” pp. 66 — 68, 145 — 148.<br>
	21. Knight, ''Industrial Relations'', pp. 77-84; Robinson, “San Francisco Teamsters,” p. 150; Bernard Cornelius Cronin, ''Father Yorke and the Labor Movement in San Francisco, 1900-1910'' (Washington, D.C., 1943), pp. 48-70; esp. pp. 65-66. For the analysis of the labor leaders, see Walter Macarthur, “San Francisco—A Climax in Civics,” typed manuscript, 1906, Macarthur Manuscript Collection, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, carton 1, in which Macarthur writes:<br>		21. Knight, ''Industrial Relations'', pp. 77-84; Robinson, “San Francisco Teamsters,” p. 150; Bernard Cornelius Cronin, ''Father Yorke and the Labor Movement in San Francisco, 1900-1910'' (Washington, D.C., 1943), pp. 48-70; esp. pp. 65-66. For the analysis of the labor leaders, see Walter Macarthur, “San Francisco—A Climax in Civics,” typed manuscript, 1906, Macarthur Manuscript Collection, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, carton 1, in which Macarthur writes:<br>
	<blockquote>In only one particular did the situation of 1900 differ from that of 1890, namely, in the knowledge of the events that had transpired between these dates. That knowledge led to suspicion and distrust concerning the attitude of the employers . . . the defensive features of the movement, as conducted by the older men, were based upon a justifiable presumption of the opponents’ object. This difference in the particulars of the situation in 1900, as compared with that of 1890, is important as an explanation of much that transpired, (pp. 7-8)</blockquote~~><br~~>		<blockquote>In only one particular did the situation of 1900 differ from that of 1890, namely, in the knowledge of the events that had transpired between these dates. That knowledge led to suspicion and distrust concerning the attitude of the employers . . . the defensive features of the movement, as conducted by the older men, were based upon a justifiable presumption of the opponents’ object. This difference in the particulars of the situation in 1900, as compared with that of 1890, is important as an explanation of much that transpired, (pp. 7-8)</blockquote>
	22. Knight, ''Industrial Relations'', pp. 78 — 80, 82 — 83; Robinson, “San Francisco Teamsters,” pp. 45 — 150.<br>		22. Knight, ''Industrial Relations'', pp. 78 — 80, 82 — 83; Robinson, “San Francisco Teamsters,” pp. 45 — 150.<br>
	23. Knight, ''Industrial Relations'', pp. 84 — 86; Cronin, ''Father Yorke'', pp. 55 — 85, esp. p. 63; Page, “San Francisco Labor Movement in 1901,” pp. 679, 685 — 687; Robinson, “San Francisco Teamsters,” pp. 150 —152; Joseph S. Brusher, S. J., ''Consecrated Thunderbolt: Father Yorke of San Francisco'' (Hawthorne, NJ., 1973), ch. 5.<br>		23. Knight, ''Industrial Relations'', pp. 84 — 86; Cronin, ''Father Yorke'', pp. 55 — 85, esp. p. 63; Page, “San Francisco Labor Movement in 1901,” pp. 679, 685 — 687; Robinson, “San Francisco Teamsters,” pp. 150 —152; Joseph S. Brusher, S. J., ''Consecrated Thunderbolt: Father Yorke of San Francisco'' (Hawthorne, NJ., 1973), ch. 5.<br>

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