On Strike! We're Gonna Shut it Down - Revision history

Ccarlsson at 06:03, 30 October 2024

2024-10-30T06:03:07Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 23:03, 29 October 2024
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	As a second generation San Franciscan, I am a product of my city’s history. The City I grew up in was a city of ethnic and racial neighborhoods. North Beach was primarily Italian. Chinatown, Chinese. The Fillmore/Western Addition had become primarily African-American during the migrations from the South and after the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. The Mission and other areas “South of the Slot,” had housed primarily Irish laborers and civil servants but were changing as the next generation moved to newer homes with grass in front and large back yards in the Sunset and Richmond Districts. My character and conscience were molded by my experience as a post-World War II White, Irish-American child of the Sunset District who attended parochial schools—Holy Name grammar school and Mercy High School, just across 19th Avenue from State. My neighbors and schoolmates were overwhelmingly White, although they were an odd mix for the time comprising Protestants, Catholics and Jews, gays and straights, and differing political persuasions, ranging from Democrat to Republican to (according to the House Un-American Activities Committee) communist. While neither my school nor community was racially integrated, racial slurs or acts of overt racism were not part of my experience. Although my dad died when I was in grammar school and my mom during my senior year in high school, my early family values had strong roots, which, combined with other life experiences, taught me to stand up for what was right and against what was wrong.		As a second generation San Franciscan, I am a product of my city’s history. The City I grew up in was a city of ethnic and racial neighborhoods. North Beach was primarily Italian. Chinatown, Chinese. The Fillmore/Western Addition had become primarily African-American during the migrations from the South and after the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. The Mission and other areas “South of the Slot,” had housed primarily Irish laborers and civil servants but were changing as the next generation moved to newer homes with grass in front and large back yards in the Sunset and Richmond Districts. My character and conscience were molded by my experience as a post-World War II White, Irish-American child of the Sunset District who attended parochial schools—Holy Name grammar school and Mercy High School, just across 19th Avenue from State. My neighbors and schoolmates were overwhelmingly White, although they were an odd mix for the time comprising Protestants, Catholics and Jews, gays and straights, and differing political persuasions, ranging from Democrat to Republican to (according to the House Un-American Activities Committee) communist. While neither my school nor community was racially integrated, racial slurs or acts of overt racism were not part of my experience. Although my dad died when I was in grammar school and my mom during my senior year in high school, my early family values had strong roots, which, combined with other life experiences, taught me to stand up for what was right and against what was wrong.

	<iframe width="~~420~~" height="315" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/~~aoPmb~~-~~9ctGc~~?~~rel~~=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>		<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/1-lJty0r13U?si=Jf-3IemtpnGjt5KY" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe>

	'''~~Activist State~~: A Documentary on the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College'''		'''Third World Newsreel: A Documentary on the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College'''

	~~''video by [http://jonathancraig.org/1968-san-francisco-student-strike/ Jonathan Craig]~~''

	From the age of 15 until my early twenties, while I went to school I worked as a meat wrapper right across from Mercy and down the block from State at Stonestown Meats. My work exposed me to days filled with hours of hard, physical work and, for the first time, overt racism. When I asked why all the butchers and meat wrappers were White, I was told that no one would buy meat touched by “colored” hands. When I went home and told my mom, she said that some people had wrong ideas that differed from ours but not to say anything at work because we needed my pay now that my dad was dead.		From the age of 15 until my early twenties, while I went to school I worked as a meat wrapper right across from Mercy and down the block from State at Stonestown Meats. My work exposed me to days filled with hours of hard, physical work and, for the first time, overt racism. When I asked why all the butchers and meat wrappers were White, I was told that no one would buy meat touched by “colored” hands. When I went home and told my mom, she said that some people had wrong ideas that differed from ours but not to say anything at work because we needed my pay now that my dad was dead.

Ccarlsson: added photo

2024-10-30T05:58:47Z

added photo

← Older revision		Revision as of 22:58, 29 October 2024
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	President Smith closed the campus in response, claiming that the situation was not conducive to learning. Then-governor Reagan demanded that the campus be reopened, “by any means necessary.” President Smith agreed to open the campus on Wednesday, November 20, not for regular classes, but for a campus-wide convocation on the issues. The time for discussion was over, however, and the convocation was more of a confrontation than a conversation. After a week, on November 26, the convocation ended and, under pressure from the state and realizing that there was nothing he could do to resolve the issues, Smith resigned.		President Smith closed the campus in response, claiming that the situation was not conducive to learning. Then-governor Reagan demanded that the campus be reopened, “by any means necessary.” President Smith agreed to open the campus on Wednesday, November 20, not for regular classes, but for a campus-wide convocation on the issues. The time for discussion was over, however, and the convocation was more of a confrontation than a conversation. After a week, on November 26, the convocation ended and, under pressure from the state and realizing that there was nothing he could do to resolve the issues, Smith resigned.

			[[Image:Hayakawa-1968.jpg]]

			''Image courtesy Bay Area Television Archive at diva.sfsu.edu.''

	Professor S. I. Hayakawa was then appointed acting-president of the college and, as his first act, ordered the campus closed for an early Thanksgiving vacation. Over the break he declared a state of emergency on campus, which gave the administration greater powers. When the campus reopened, over 1,000 demonstrators marched along 19th Avenue in front of the campus accompanied by a parked sound truck calling on people to join the Strike. Along with a few others I was standing on the bed of the truck when I noticed [[The Sound Truck: A Novelized Account of the SF State Strike\|a man in a funny hat and glasses climbing aboard and throwing blue ribbons]]. I had no idea who he was as he brusquely pushed some of us away from the person holding the megaphone and yanked it away, trying to address the crowd. All the while these blue ribbons were flying about. As the others, not so gently, tried to remove him from the truck, I remember saying, “Don’t hurt the old man, he’s just crazy.” I quickly learned that this “crazy man” was the new acting-president. After Hayakawa left, as the demonstrators moved on to campus, there were random attacks by the police throughout the morning. After the noon rally, police once again attacked the demonstrators in the central campus. But the worst brutality occurred the next day.		Professor S. I. Hayakawa was then appointed acting-president of the college and, as his first act, ordered the campus closed for an early Thanksgiving vacation. Over the break he declared a state of emergency on campus, which gave the administration greater powers. When the campus reopened, over 1,000 demonstrators marched along 19th Avenue in front of the campus accompanied by a parked sound truck calling on people to join the Strike. Along with a few others I was standing on the bed of the truck when I noticed [[The Sound Truck: A Novelized Account of the SF State Strike\|a man in a funny hat and glasses climbing aboard and throwing blue ribbons]]. I had no idea who he was as he brusquely pushed some of us away from the person holding the megaphone and yanked it away, trying to address the crowd. All the while these blue ribbons were flying about. As the others, not so gently, tried to remove him from the truck, I remember saying, “Don’t hurt the old man, he’s just crazy.” I quickly learned that this “crazy man” was the new acting-president. After Hayakawa left, as the demonstrators moved on to campus, there were random attacks by the police throughout the morning. After the noon rally, police once again attacked the demonstrators in the central campus. But the worst brutality occurred the next day.

Ccarlsson at 20:02, 22 May 2020

2020-05-22T20:02:54Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 13:02, 22 May 2020
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	[[Image:Addressing-injustice.png\|left]] ''What follows is not and cannot be comprehensive; rather, it is the Strike viewed from the perspective of one young San Francisco woman as she journeyed from passive observer to a political activist. Within the context of these struggles, the San Francisco State College (“State”) student community was bringing the same issues to a campus where their struggles culminated in the longest student strike in the history of the United States—four and one-half months, from November 1968 to April 1969. That strike and my perceptions as to what led up to it, what happened during and after it and what lessons it might have for today are the topic of this article.''		[[Image:Addressing-injustice.png\|left]] ''What follows is not and cannot be comprehensive; rather, it is the Strike viewed from the perspective of one young San Francisco woman as she journeyed from passive observer to a political activist. Within the context of these struggles, the San Francisco State College (“State”) student community was bringing the same issues to a campus where their struggles culminated in the longest student strike in the history of the United States—four and one-half months, from November 1968 to April 1969. That strike and my perceptions as to what led up to it, what happened during and after it and what lessons it might have for today are the topic of this article.''

			[[Image:Sfsu-strike John-Levin-speaking drescher.jpg]]

			'''John Levin speaking during San Francisco State College Strike, Fall 1968.'''

			''Photo: Tim Drescher''

	As a second generation San Franciscan, I am a product of my city’s history. The City I grew up in was a city of ethnic and racial neighborhoods. North Beach was primarily Italian. Chinatown, Chinese. The Fillmore/Western Addition had become primarily African-American during the migrations from the South and after the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. The Mission and other areas “South of the Slot,” had housed primarily Irish laborers and civil servants but were changing as the next generation moved to newer homes with grass in front and large back yards in the Sunset and Richmond Districts. My character and conscience were molded by my experience as a post-World War II White, Irish-American child of the Sunset District who attended parochial schools—Holy Name grammar school and Mercy High School, just across 19th Avenue from State. My neighbors and schoolmates were overwhelmingly White, although they were an odd mix for the time comprising Protestants, Catholics and Jews, gays and straights, and differing political persuasions, ranging from Democrat to Republican to (according to the House Un-American Activities Committee) communist. While neither my school nor community was racially integrated, racial slurs or acts of overt racism were not part of my experience. Although my dad died when I was in grammar school and my mom during my senior year in high school, my early family values had strong roots, which, combined with other life experiences, taught me to stand up for what was right and against what was wrong.		As a second generation San Franciscan, I am a product of my city’s history. The City I grew up in was a city of ethnic and racial neighborhoods. North Beach was primarily Italian. Chinatown, Chinese. The Fillmore/Western Addition had become primarily African-American during the migrations from the South and after the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. The Mission and other areas “South of the Slot,” had housed primarily Irish laborers and civil servants but were changing as the next generation moved to newer homes with grass in front and large back yards in the Sunset and Richmond Districts. My character and conscience were molded by my experience as a post-World War II White, Irish-American child of the Sunset District who attended parochial schools—Holy Name grammar school and Mercy High School, just across 19th Avenue from State. My neighbors and schoolmates were overwhelmingly White, although they were an odd mix for the time comprising Protestants, Catholics and Jews, gays and straights, and differing political persuasions, ranging from Democrat to Republican to (according to the House Un-American Activities Committee) communist. While neither my school nor community was racially integrated, racial slurs or acts of overt racism were not part of my experience. Although my dad died when I was in grammar school and my mom during my senior year in high school, my early family values had strong roots, which, combined with other life experiences, taught me to stand up for what was right and against what was wrong.

Ccarlsson: added photo

2020-05-22T20:01:16Z

added photo

← Older revision		Revision as of 13:01, 22 May 2020
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	The Board of Trustees was not happy with the situation at State and began to assert its control over the college. First, it proposed a revision to the State Education Code that would give the Chancellor, not AS, control over student fees. This would more than likely decimate the Tutorial, Community Involvement Programs, and The Experimental College, and eliminate funding for recognized student organizations such as the BSU and TWLF. The Chancellor then called for the suspension of Murray and his removal as a faculty member in the English Department, noting his participation in the events of December 6 and his position within the Panthers (which the Chancellor considered an organization advocating violence against the government). This action by the Chancellor was seen as not only sidestepping long-standing faculty hiring and retention practices but as another attempt to block the development of a Black Studies Department.		The Board of Trustees was not happy with the situation at State and began to assert its control over the college. First, it proposed a revision to the State Education Code that would give the Chancellor, not AS, control over student fees. This would more than likely decimate the Tutorial, Community Involvement Programs, and The Experimental College, and eliminate funding for recognized student organizations such as the BSU and TWLF. The Chancellor then called for the suspension of Murray and his removal as a faculty member in the English Department, noting his participation in the events of December 6 and his position within the Panthers (which the Chancellor considered an organization advocating violence against the government). This action by the Chancellor was seen as not only sidestepping long-standing faculty hiring and retention practices but as another attempt to block the development of a Black Studies Department.

	The BSU called a student strike for November 6, 1968 and issued a set of ten non-negotiable demands. The TWLF immediately joined and presented its own list of five non-negotiable demands. After a heated discussion over whether or not to issue its own demand that AFROTC be removed from campus, SDS agreed that the Strike was against institutional racism on the campus, not the war, and joined in support of the Strike demands. SDS saw its role not in articulating demands but in educating White students to support the Strike.		The BSU called a student strike for November 6, 1968 and issued a set of [[STRIKE!... Concerning the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College\|ten non-negotiable demands]]. The TWLF immediately joined and presented its own list of five non-negotiable demands. After a heated discussion over whether or not to issue its own demand that AFROTC be removed from campus, [[SDS at San Francisco State\|SDS]] agreed that the Strike was against institutional racism on the campus, not the war, and joined in support of the Strike demands. SDS saw its role not in articulating demands but in educating White students to support the Strike.

	[[Image:On-strike-shut-it-down.jpg]]		[[Image:On-strike-shut-it-down.jpg]]

Ccarlsson: added Drescher photos

2020-03-06T23:15:05Z

added Drescher photos

Show changes

Ccarlsson: added link

2018-12-13T00:36:31Z

added link

← Older revision		Revision as of 17:36, 12 December 2018
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	President Smith closed the campus in response, claiming that the situation was not conducive to learning. Then-governor Reagan demanded that the campus be reopened, “by any means necessary.” President Smith agreed to open the campus on Wednesday, November 20, not for regular classes, but for a campus-wide convocation on the issues. The time for discussion was over, however, and the convocation was more of a confrontation than a conversation. After a week, on November 26, the convocation ended and, under pressure from the state and realizing that there was nothing he could do to resolve the issues, Smith resigned.		President Smith closed the campus in response, claiming that the situation was not conducive to learning. Then-governor Reagan demanded that the campus be reopened, “by any means necessary.” President Smith agreed to open the campus on Wednesday, November 20, not for regular classes, but for a campus-wide convocation on the issues. The time for discussion was over, however, and the convocation was more of a confrontation than a conversation. After a week, on November 26, the convocation ended and, under pressure from the state and realizing that there was nothing he could do to resolve the issues, Smith resigned.

	Professor S. I. Hayakawa was then appointed acting-president of the college and, as his first act, ordered the campus closed for an early Thanksgiving vacation. Over the break he declared a state of emergency on campus, which gave the administration greater powers. When the campus reopened, over 1,000 demonstrators marched along 19th Avenue in front of the campus accompanied by a parked sound truck calling on people to join the Strike. Along with a few others I was standing on the bed of the truck when I noticed a man in a funny hat and glasses climbing aboard and throwing blue ribbons. I had no idea who he was as he brusquely pushed some of us away from the person holding the megaphone and yanked it away, trying to address the crowd. All the while these blue ribbons were flying about. As the others, not so gently, tried to remove him from the truck, I remember saying, “Don’t hurt the old man, he’s just crazy.” I quickly learned that this “crazy man” was the new acting-president. After Hayakawa left, as the demonstrators moved on to campus, there were random attacks by the police throughout the morning. After the noon rally, police once again attacked the demonstrators in the central campus. But the worst brutality occurred the next day.		Professor S. I. Hayakawa was then appointed acting-president of the college and, as his first act, ordered the campus closed for an early Thanksgiving vacation. Over the break he declared a state of emergency on campus, which gave the administration greater powers. When the campus reopened, over 1,000 demonstrators marched along 19th Avenue in front of the campus accompanied by a parked sound truck calling on people to join the Strike. Along with a few others I was standing on the bed of the truck when I noticed [[The Sound Truck: A Novelized Account of the SF State Strike\|a man in a funny hat and glasses climbing aboard and throwing blue ribbons]]. I had no idea who he was as he brusquely pushed some of us away from the person holding the megaphone and yanked it away, trying to address the crowd. All the while these blue ribbons were flying about. As the others, not so gently, tried to remove him from the truck, I remember saying, “Don’t hurt the old man, he’s just crazy.” I quickly learned that this “crazy man” was the new acting-president. After Hayakawa left, as the demonstrators moved on to campus, there were random attacks by the police throughout the morning. After the noon rally, police once again attacked the demonstrators in the central campus. But the worst brutality occurred the next day.

	All those who participated in the Strike know Tuesday, December 2, as “Bloody Tuesday.” Joining about 2,500 student and faculty demonstrators at a noon rally were leaders of the Black, Asian, and Latino communities, as well as religious leaders. By the end of the rally, one non-striker estimated the crowd at approximately 5,000. The rally was attacked—no other word describes what occurred—by police coming from all sides. Fighting between police and demonstrators filled the central campus. The two sides were not evenly matched. While the demonstrators outnumbered the police, the police were armed with clubs and guns. Unarmed students lost all fear and jumped on the backs of police who were beating students, only to be pulled off and clubbed to the ground themselves. The afternoon WAS bloody! Hayakawa, however characterized it as the most exciting day since his tenth birthday when he rode a roller coaster for the first time!		All those who participated in the Strike know Tuesday, December 2, as “Bloody Tuesday.” Joining about 2,500 student and faculty demonstrators at a noon rally were leaders of the Black, Asian, and Latino communities, as well as religious leaders. By the end of the rally, one non-striker estimated the crowd at approximately 5,000. The rally was attacked—no other word describes what occurred—by police coming from all sides. Fighting between police and demonstrators filled the central campus. The two sides were not evenly matched. While the demonstrators outnumbered the police, the police were armed with clubs and guns. Unarmed students lost all fear and jumped on the backs of police who were beating students, only to be pulled off and clubbed to the ground themselves. The afternoon WAS bloody! Hayakawa, however characterized it as the most exciting day since his tenth birthday when he rode a roller coaster for the first time!

Ccarlsson: added link

2014-11-11T18:16:55Z

added link

← Older revision		Revision as of 11:16, 11 November 2014
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	'''Activist State: A Documentary on the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College'''		'''Activist State: A Documentary on the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College'''

	''video by Jonathan Craig''		''video by [http://jonathancraig.org/1968-san-francisco-student-strike/ Jonathan Craig]''

	From the age of 15 until my early twenties, while I went to school I worked as a meat wrapper right across from Mercy and down the block from State at Stonestown Meats. My work exposed me to days filled with hours of hard, physical work and, for the first time, overt racism. When I asked why all the butchers and meat wrappers were White, I was told that no one would buy meat touched by “colored” hands. When I went home and told my mom, she said that some people had wrong ideas that differed from ours but not to say anything at work because we needed my pay now that my dad was dead.		From the age of 15 until my early twenties, while I went to school I worked as a meat wrapper right across from Mercy and down the block from State at Stonestown Meats. My work exposed me to days filled with hours of hard, physical work and, for the first time, overt racism. When I asked why all the butchers and meat wrappers were White, I was told that no one would buy meat touched by “colored” hands. When I went home and told my mom, she said that some people had wrong ideas that differed from ours but not to say anything at work because we needed my pay now that my dad was dead.

Ccarlsson: added Jonathan Craig video, moved image down

2014-11-10T04:18:47Z

added Jonathan Craig video, moved image down

← Older revision		Revision as of 21:18, 9 November 2014
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	[[Image:Addressing-injustice.png\|left]] ''What follows is not and cannot be comprehensive; rather, it is the Strike viewed from the perspective of one young San Francisco woman as she journeyed from passive observer to a political activist. Within the context of these struggles, the San Francisco State College (“State”) student community was bringing the same issues to a campus where their struggles culminated in the longest student strike in the history of the United States—four and one-half months, from November 1968 to April 1969. That strike and my perceptions as to what led up to it, what happened during and after it and what lessons it might have for today are the topic of this article.''		[[Image:Addressing-injustice.png\|left]] ''What follows is not and cannot be comprehensive; rather, it is the Strike viewed from the perspective of one young San Francisco woman as she journeyed from passive observer to a political activist. Within the context of these struggles, the San Francisco State College (“State”) student community was bringing the same issues to a campus where their struggles culminated in the longest student strike in the history of the United States—four and one-half months, from November 1968 to April 1969. That strike and my perceptions as to what led up to it, what happened during and after it and what lessons it might have for today are the topic of this article.''

	~~[[Image:On~~-~~strike~~-~~shut~~-it-~~down~~.~~jpg]]~~		As a second generation San Franciscan, I am a product of my city’s history. The City I grew up in was a city of ethnic and racial neighborhoods. North Beach was primarily Italian. Chinatown, Chinese. The Fillmore/Western Addition had become primarily African-American during the migrations from the South and after the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. The Mission and other areas “South of the Slot,” had housed primarily Irish laborers and civil servants but were changing as the next generation moved to newer homes with grass in front and large back yards in the Sunset and Richmond Districts. My character and conscience were molded by my experience as a post-World War II White, Irish-American child of the Sunset District who attended parochial schools—Holy Name grammar school and Mercy High School, just across 19th Avenue from State. My neighbors and schoolmates were overwhelmingly White, although they were an odd mix for the time comprising Protestants, Catholics and Jews, gays and straights, and differing political persuasions, ranging from Democrat to Republican to (according to the House Un-American Activities Committee) communist. While neither my school nor community was racially integrated, racial slurs or acts of overt racism were not part of my experience. Although my dad died when I was in grammar school and my mom during my senior year in high school, my early family values had strong roots, which, combined with other life experiences, taught me to stand up for what was right and against what was wrong.

	~~'''Protesters march near 19th and Holloway on SF State campus, 1968~~.~~'''~~		<iframe width="420" height="315" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/aoPmb-9ctGc?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>

	''~~from "Crisis~~ at SF State~~" © 1969 by Insight Publications~~''		'''Activist State: A Documentary on the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College'''

	As a second generation San Franciscan, I am a product of my city’s history. The City I grew up in was a city of ethnic and racial neighborhoods. North Beach was primarily Italian. Chinatown, Chinese. The Fillmore/Western Addition had become primarily African-American during the migrations from the South and after the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. The Mission and other areas “South of the Slot,” had housed primarily Irish laborers and civil servants but were changing as the next generation moved to newer homes with grass in front and large back yards in the Sunset and Richmond Districts. My character and conscience were molded by my experience as a post-World War II White, Irish-American child of the Sunset District who attended parochial schools—Holy Name grammar school and Mercy High School, just across 19th Avenue from State. My neighbors and schoolmates were overwhelmingly White, although they were an odd mix for the time comprising Protestants, Catholics and Jews, gays and straights, and differing political persuasions, ranging from Democrat to Republican to (according to the House Un-American Activities Committee) communist. While neither my school nor community was racially integrated, racial slurs or acts of overt racism were not part of my experience. Although my dad died when I was in grammar school and my mom during my senior year in high school, my early family values had strong roots, which, combined with other life experiences, taught me to stand up for what was right and against what was wrong.		''video by Jonathan Craig''

	From the age of 15 until my early twenties, while I went to school I worked as a meat wrapper right across from Mercy and down the block from State at Stonestown Meats. My work exposed me to days filled with hours of hard, physical work and, for the first time, overt racism. When I asked why all the butchers and meat wrappers were White, I was told that no one would buy meat touched by “colored” hands. When I went home and told my mom, she said that some people had wrong ideas that differed from ours but not to say anything at work because we needed my pay now that my dad was dead.		From the age of 15 until my early twenties, while I went to school I worked as a meat wrapper right across from Mercy and down the block from State at Stonestown Meats. My work exposed me to days filled with hours of hard, physical work and, for the first time, overt racism. When I asked why all the butchers and meat wrappers were White, I was told that no one would buy meat touched by “colored” hands. When I went home and told my mom, she said that some people had wrong ideas that differed from ours but not to say anything at work because we needed my pay now that my dad was dead.
Line 82:		Line 82:

	The BSU called a student strike for November 6, 1968 and issued a set of ten non-negotiable demands. The TWLF immediately joined and presented its own list of five non-negotiable demands. After a heated discussion over whether or not to issue its own demand that AFROTC be removed from campus, SDS agreed that the Strike was against institutional racism on the campus, not the war, and joined in support of the Strike demands. SDS saw its role not in articulating demands but in educating White students to support the Strike.		The BSU called a student strike for November 6, 1968 and issued a set of ten non-negotiable demands. The TWLF immediately joined and presented its own list of five non-negotiable demands. After a heated discussion over whether or not to issue its own demand that AFROTC be removed from campus, SDS agreed that the Strike was against institutional racism on the campus, not the war, and joined in support of the Strike demands. SDS saw its role not in articulating demands but in educating White students to support the Strike.

			[[Image:On-strike-shut-it-down.jpg]]

			'''Protesters march near 19th and Holloway on SF State campus, 1968.'''

			''from "Crisis at SF State" © 1969 by Insight Publications''

	<font size=4>Student Demands</font size>		<font size=4>Student Demands</font size>
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	[[STRIKE!... Concerning the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College\|Prev. Document]] [[STRIKE!... Concerning the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College\|Next Document]]		[[STRIKE!... Concerning the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College\|Prev. Document]] [[STRIKE!... Concerning the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College\|Next Document]]

	[[category:SFSU]] [[category:OMI/Ingleside]] [[category:1960s]] [[category:dissent]] [[category:African-American]] [[category:Irish]] [[category:women]] [[category:Bay Area Social Movements]]		[[category:SFSU]] [[category:OMI/Ingleside]] [[category:1960s]] [[category:dissent]] [[category:African-American]] [[category:Irish]] [[category:women]] [[category:Bay Area Social Movements]] [[category:Latino]] [[category:Filipino]] [[category:Indigenous]]

Mfriedman: linked to Bay Area Social Movements category

2014-08-06T23:24:04Z

linked to Bay Area Social Movements category

← Older revision		Revision as of 16:24, 6 August 2014
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	[[STRIKE!... Concerning the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College\|Prev. Document]] [[STRIKE!... Concerning the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College\|Next Document]]		[[STRIKE!... Concerning the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College\|Prev. Document]] [[STRIKE!... Concerning the 1968-69 Strike at San Francisco State College\|Next Document]]

	[[category:SFSU]] [[category:OMI/Ingleside]] [[category:1960s]] [[category:dissent]] [[category:African-American]] [[category:Irish]] [[category:women]]		[[category:SFSU]] [[category:OMI/Ingleside]] [[category:1960s]] [[category:dissent]] [[category:African-American]] [[category:Irish]] [[category:women]] [[category:Bay Area Social Movements]]

Mfriedman: Addressing Injustice logo added

2014-07-31T00:03:24Z

Addressing Injustice logo added

← Older revision		Revision as of 17:03, 30 July 2014
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	''by Margaret Leahy''		''by Margaret Leahy''

	''What follows is not and cannot be comprehensive; rather, it is the Strike viewed from the perspective of one young San Francisco woman as she journeyed from passive observer to a political activist. Within the context of these struggles, the San Francisco State College (“State”) student community was bringing the same issues to a campus where their struggles culminated in the longest student strike in the history of the United States—four and one-half months, from November 1968 to April 1969. That strike and my perceptions as to what led up to it, what happened during and after it and what lessons it might have for today are the topic of this article.''		[[Image:Addressing-injustice.png\|left]] ''What follows is not and cannot be comprehensive; rather, it is the Strike viewed from the perspective of one young San Francisco woman as she journeyed from passive observer to a political activist. Within the context of these struggles, the San Francisco State College (“State”) student community was bringing the same issues to a campus where their struggles culminated in the longest student strike in the history of the United States—four and one-half months, from November 1968 to April 1969. That strike and my perceptions as to what led up to it, what happened during and after it and what lessons it might have for today are the topic of this article.''

	[[Image:On-strike-shut-it-down.jpg]]		[[Image:On-strike-shut-it-down.jpg]]