Oakland Rising: The Industrialization of Alameda County - Revision history

Ccarlsson: fixed caption on fig 5 and misspelling elsewhere

2017-11-28T21:18:23Z

fixed caption on fig 5 and misspelling elsewhere

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	The bay made Oakland a twin city rather than a suburb, but it was not a strong antipode to San Francisco in the 19th century. While many manufacturing companies were locally owned, giving the city a potentially independent economic base, the town’s leading burghers, Horace Carpentier and Samuel Merritt, were master land speculators rather than industrialists. The local bourgeoisie gave away the waterfront not once but twice to private owners (themselves!), who turned it over to the Central Pacific based in San Francisco (indeed, Carpentier, Oakland's first mayor, worked as a lawyer for the railroad before he took the money and ran to New York). It took the city fifty years to regain control of its harbor (1911). Stirrings of boosterism could be found, such as the bold proposal for a cross-bay bridge as early as 1863, but San Francisco capitalists felt little threat and were happy to join in Oakland’s growth by investing in such things as a cable car system, paint factory, and real estate promotions.(35)		The bay made Oakland a twin city rather than a suburb, but it was not a strong antipode to San Francisco in the 19th century. While many manufacturing companies were locally owned, giving the city a potentially independent economic base, the town’s leading burghers, Horace Carpentier and Samuel Merritt, were master land speculators rather than industrialists. The local bourgeoisie gave away the waterfront not once but twice to private owners (themselves!), who turned it over to the Central Pacific based in San Francisco (indeed, Carpentier, Oakland's first mayor, worked as a lawyer for the railroad before he took the money and ran to New York). It took the city fifty years to regain control of its harbor (1911). Stirrings of boosterism could be found, such as the bold proposal for a cross-bay bridge as early as 1863, but San Francisco capitalists felt little threat and were happy to join in Oakland’s growth by investing in such things as a cable car system, paint factory, and real estate promotions.(35)

	The sea-change came after the depression of 1893-95. Oakland and the East Bay began a meteoric ascent, becoming an early metropolitan ‘edge city’. Oakland was one of three fastest growing cities in the US from 1900 to 1930, jumping from 67,000 to 284,000, and development spilled over into neighboring towns of San Leandro (1872), Berkeley (1878), Alameda (1884) and Emeryville (1899). The earthquake of 1906 doubled Alameda county’s population and industry overnight, and there was another a trebling of employment during the boom of the First World War. Output continued to rise in the 1920s, although employment slipped. (Figure 1) Oakland was no longer an ~~outlyer~~ of the metropolitan core, but a distinctive industrial arena in full bloom (Figure 5). Breakthroughs in transportation were important, of course: repossession of the waterfront from the Southern Pacific allowed the city to develop its own port facilities and the arrival of the Santa Fe (circa 1900) and Western Pacific (circa 1910) lowered freight rates. The East Bay grew on water and rails, not trucks, well into the 20th century. But the port and rail system grew to serve industry, as much as, if not more than, the other way around.(36)		The sea-change came after the depression of 1893-95. Oakland and the East Bay began a meteoric ascent, becoming an early metropolitan ‘edge city’. Oakland was one of three fastest growing cities in the US from 1900 to 1930, jumping from 67,000 to 284,000, and development spilled over into neighboring towns of San Leandro (1872), Berkeley (1878), Alameda (1884) and Emeryville (1899). The earthquake of 1906 doubled Alameda county’s population and industry overnight, and there was another a trebling of employment during the boom of the First World War. Output continued to rise in the 1920s, although employment slipped. (Figure 1) Oakland was no longer an outlier of the metropolitan core, but a distinctive industrial arena in full bloom (Figure 5). Breakthroughs in transportation were important, of course: repossession of the waterfront from the Southern Pacific allowed the city to develop its own port facilities and the arrival of the Santa Fe (circa 1900) and Western Pacific (circa 1910) lowered freight rates. The East Bay grew on water and rails, not trucks, well into the 20th century. But the port and rail system grew to serve industry, as much as, if not more than, the other way around.(36)

	[[Image:Oakland-West-Industry-1926-copy.jpg]]		[[Image:Oakland-West-Industry-1926-copy.jpg]]

	'''Figure 5: Map of East ~~Oakland~~ industrial belt, 1926'''		'''Figure 5: Map of East Bay industrial belt, 1926'''

	Fundamental to the industrialization of the East Bay were the emergence of new leading sectors and major reorientations in older ones. First among Alameda county’s peacetime industries after 1900 was food processing, chiefly canning. The East Bay became the principal node in the Bay Area's largest industry, which led the nation in canning output from 1890 to 1940. California packers and canners introduced the first name-brands in food, standardization of produce, and mass advertising in foodstuffs ([[Del Monte Complaints\|Del Monte brand]] was dreamed up at the Lusk company). They later set up the world’s most advanced marketing and contracting system, tied to the new supermarket chains (such as Oakland’s Safeway). And they innovated new methods and products, such as the canned olive (invented in Oakland). A major organizational restructuring of canning took place as well, as the industry underwent a marked concentration. In 1899 a dozen companies merged into the California Fruit Canners Association, headquartered in Oakland; in 1917 this group expanded into the giant CalPak (Del Monte) corporation, the leading agribusiness firm for much of the 20th century (though its headquarters moved to San Francisco). A host of suppliers provided cans, jars, crates and cartons to store and ship produce, as well as a stream of innovative machinery, such as pitters, peelers, and steamers. Many other food products were manufactured in the East Bay, including cereal, meat, and bread. Closely related were a dozen soap and cosmetics manufacturers. These factories were distributed along the length of the East Bay industrial belt and well into the outlying farming areas of southern Alameda county.(37)		Fundamental to the industrialization of the East Bay were the emergence of new leading sectors and major reorientations in older ones. First among Alameda county’s peacetime industries after 1900 was food processing, chiefly canning. The East Bay became the principal node in the Bay Area's largest industry, which led the nation in canning output from 1890 to 1940. California packers and canners introduced the first name-brands in food, standardization of produce, and mass advertising in foodstuffs ([[Del Monte Complaints\|Del Monte brand]] was dreamed up at the Lusk company). They later set up the world’s most advanced marketing and contracting system, tied to the new supermarket chains (such as Oakland’s Safeway). And they innovated new methods and products, such as the canned olive (invented in Oakland). A major organizational restructuring of canning took place as well, as the industry underwent a marked concentration. In 1899 a dozen companies merged into the California Fruit Canners Association, headquartered in Oakland; in 1917 this group expanded into the giant CalPak (Del Monte) corporation, the leading agribusiness firm for much of the 20th century (though its headquarters moved to San Francisco). A host of suppliers provided cans, jars, crates and cartons to store and ship produce, as well as a stream of innovative machinery, such as pitters, peelers, and steamers. Many other food products were manufactured in the East Bay, including cereal, meat, and bread. Closely related were a dozen soap and cosmetics manufacturers. These factories were distributed along the length of the East Bay industrial belt and well into the outlying farming areas of southern Alameda county.(37)

Ccarlsson: added photo

2016-02-09T07:17:05Z

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	[[Image:FB IMG Key-train-at-Grand-Lake-theater.jpg]]		[[Image:FB IMG Key-train-at-Grand-Lake-theater.jpg]]

	'''Key train passing in front of the Grand Lake theater, ~~1950s~~.'''		'''Key train passing in front of the Grand Lake theater, 1930s.'''

	''Photo: Oakland History, Facebook''		''Photo: Oakland History, Facebook''

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	'''Key System map, early 20th century'''		'''Key System map, early 20th century'''

			[[Image:FB IMG Key-train-at-Grand-Lake-theater.jpg]]

			'''Key train passing in front of the Grand Lake theater, 1950s.'''

			''Photo: Oakland History, Facebook''

	The East Bay has its own striking examples of local political initiatives to steer development. One was the creation of Emeryville. At a stroke, an emerging satellite of Oakland became an independent city devoted wholly to industry — one of the first such entities in the United States, twelve years before the incorporation of South San Francisco. By 1935 little Emeryville (only 1.2 square miles) was home to over one hundred manufacturing plants. The town excluded all but a few hundred working class residents and operated as a tax haven and friendly government to industry. The manager of Judson steel, Walter Christie, served as Mayor for the first forty years of the town’s existence, and was succeded by Al LaCoste, a packinghouse boss, who ruled for the next three decades. But even reputable Berkeley put in a sophisticated zoning ordinance c 1910 to protect factory owners from complaints by residential neighbors.(42)		The East Bay has its own striking examples of local political initiatives to steer development. One was the creation of Emeryville. At a stroke, an emerging satellite of Oakland became an independent city devoted wholly to industry — one of the first such entities in the United States, twelve years before the incorporation of South San Francisco. By 1935 little Emeryville (only 1.2 square miles) was home to over one hundred manufacturing plants. The town excluded all but a few hundred working class residents and operated as a tax haven and friendly government to industry. The manager of Judson steel, Walter Christie, served as Mayor for the first forty years of the town’s existence, and was succeded by Al LaCoste, a packinghouse boss, who ruled for the next three decades. But even reputable Berkeley put in a sophisticated zoning ordinance c 1910 to protect factory owners from complaints by residential neighbors.(42)

Ccarlsson at 08:24, 4 February 2016

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	48. On fish canning, see A. McEvoy, ''The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology And Law In The California Fisheries, 1850-1980'' (New York 1986); K. Davis, ''Sardine Oil on Troubled Waters'' (Unpublished PhD thesis, Berkeley, 2002) .<br>		48. On fish canning, see A. McEvoy, ''The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology And Law In The California Fisheries, 1850-1980'' (New York 1986); K. Davis, ''Sardine Oil on Troubled Waters'' (Unpublished PhD thesis, Berkeley, 2002) .<br>
	49. Investors from Issel & Cherny op.cit. Chapter 2. There were few upstart capitalists in Contra Costa’s history. On Vallejo versus San Francisco, see R. Lotchin, ''Fortress California, 1910-1961: From Warfare To Welfare'' (New York 1992) .<br>		49. Investors from Issel & Cherny op.cit. Chapter 2. There were few upstart capitalists in Contra Costa’s history. On Vallejo versus San Francisco, see R. Lotchin, ''Fortress California, 1910-1961: From Warfare To Welfare'' (New York 1992) .<br>
	~~50. Quoted by Mel Scott op.cit. 137 and Issel & Cherny op.cit. 42. For more such uplifting rhetoric on regional unity in the 1930s, see ibid., 50.<br>~~


	[[category:Power and Money]] [[category:1850s]] [[category:East Bay]] [[category:San Francisco outside the city]] [[category:1860s]] [[category:1870s]] [[category:1880s]] [[category:1890s]] [[category:1900s]] [[category:1910s]] [[category:1920s]] [[category:1930s]]		[[category:Power and Money]] [[category:1850s]] [[category:East Bay]] [[category:San Francisco outside the city]] [[category:1860s]] [[category:1870s]] [[category:1880s]] [[category:1890s]] [[category:1900s]] [[category:1910s]] [[category:1920s]] [[category:1930s]]

Ccarlsson at 08:18, 4 February 2016

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	By the 1920s Oakland was a major player in California politics. Joseph Knowland, who bought the city’s main newspaper ''The Tribune'', became Oakland’s chief power-broker and the leading force in the state Republican party for thirty years. He promoted Earl Warren to District Attorney and then Governor of California 1940-1954, and his son, William to US Senator and Senate Minority Leader in the 1940s and 1950s. Henry Kaiser and Walter Bechtel built their construction empires out of Oakland in the 1920s and 30s, partly on the strength of local projects such as the Alameda Tube, the Bay Bridge and the Caldecott Tunnel. Kaiser led the Six Companies in building Boulder Dam, then became a figure of national importance in the Democratic Party by allying with Franklin Roosevelt (during World War II he would be one of the world's largest employers, with roughly 250,000 workers in his shipyards, building sites and factories).(43)		By the 1920s Oakland was a major player in California politics. Joseph Knowland, who bought the city’s main newspaper ''The Tribune'', became Oakland’s chief power-broker and the leading force in the state Republican party for thirty years. He promoted Earl Warren to District Attorney and then Governor of California 1940-1954, and his son, William to US Senator and Senate Minority Leader in the 1940s and 1950s. Henry Kaiser and Walter Bechtel built their construction empires out of Oakland in the 1920s and 30s, partly on the strength of local projects such as the Alameda Tube, the Bay Bridge and the Caldecott Tunnel. Kaiser led the Six Companies in building Boulder Dam, then became a figure of national importance in the Democratic Party by allying with Franklin Roosevelt (during World War II he would be one of the world's largest employers, with roughly 250,000 workers in his shipyards, building sites and factories).(43)

	San Francisco’s business leaders were alert to the challenge presented by Oakland to their hegemony over a burgeoning metropolis. Hoping to follow the lead of New York’s metropolitan consolidation and LA’s aggressive annexations, James Phelan and his Progressive allies put together a Greater San Francisco Association to try for political unification of the region. This plan went down to defeat in a statewide vote in 1912, against opposition led by Joe Knowland and Oakland's business community. Attempts to formalize a cooperative relation under a Regional Plan Association started by Phelan in the 1920s also came to naught. Oakland's own attempts to annex Berkeley in 1908 or to merge city and county in the late 1920s failed just as miserably. Of course, the regional business class on both sides of the bay was acutely aware of the challenge presented by Los Angeles to the economic supremacy of the north, so some cooperation was possible. In the 1910s Oakland’s leaders supported the [[Mayor Rolph and the Hetch Hetchy ~~Plan~~\|Hetch Hetchy water plan]], the [[SAILING TO BYZANTIUM: 1915 Panama Pacific International Exposition\|Panama-Pacific Exhibition]], and regional unification by bridge, interurban rail and state highways. And during the Depression era regional leaders were able to pull together on such infrastructural projects as the trans-bay bridges.(44)		San Francisco’s business leaders were alert to the challenge presented by Oakland to their hegemony over a burgeoning metropolis. Hoping to follow the lead of New York’s metropolitan consolidation and LA’s aggressive annexations, James Phelan and his Progressive allies put together a Greater San Francisco Association to try for political unification of the region. This plan went down to defeat in a statewide vote in 1912, against opposition led by Joe Knowland and Oakland's business community. Attempts to formalize a cooperative relation under a Regional Plan Association started by Phelan in the 1920s also came to naught. Oakland's own attempts to annex Berkeley in 1908 or to merge city and county in the late 1920s failed just as miserably. Of course, the regional business class on both sides of the bay was acutely aware of the challenge presented by Los Angeles to the economic supremacy of the north, so some cooperation was possible. In the 1910s Oakland’s leaders supported the [[Mayor Rolph and the Hetch Hetchy Project\|Hetch Hetchy water plan]], the [[SAILING TO BYZANTIUM: 1915 Panama Pacific International Exposition\|Panama-Pacific Exhibition]], and regional unification by bridge, interurban rail and state highways. And during the Depression era regional leaders were able to pull together on such infrastructural projects as the trans-bay bridges.(44)

	All the same, San Francisco capitalists, undaunted by shifting industrial geography or political opposition, kept investing in an expansive metropolitan fringe around the Bay Area. In Oakland, they were backers or owners of such firms as Parr Terminal, Moore-Scott ships, and Hunt Brothers canners. They invested in the East Bay’s streetcar, rail, gas and electric infrastructure. Industrial rivalries made little difference to financiers and realtors, who could play both sides of the table and hedge their bets. Oakland Bank of Savings merged with San Francisco's Mercantile Trust to form American Bank and Trust Company, the region's second largest bank, in 1921. Bank of Italy opened branches there, and Coldwell, Cornwall and Banker joined the rush in the 1920s. Several leading San Francisco businessmen, such as Wallace Alexander and Isaias Hellman, made their homes in Oakland’s posh hills by the 1910s.		All the same, San Francisco capitalists, undaunted by shifting industrial geography or political opposition, kept investing in an expansive metropolitan fringe around the Bay Area. In Oakland, they were backers or owners of such firms as Parr Terminal, Moore-Scott ships, and Hunt Brothers canners. They invested in the East Bay’s streetcar, rail, gas and electric infrastructure. Industrial rivalries made little difference to financiers and realtors, who could play both sides of the table and hedge their bets. Oakland Bank of Savings merged with San Francisco's Mercantile Trust to form American Bank and Trust Company, the region's second largest bank, in 1921. Bank of Italy opened branches there, and Coldwell, Cornwall and Banker joined the rush in the 1920s. Several leading San Francisco businessmen, such as Wallace Alexander and Isaias Hellman, made their homes in Oakland’s posh hills by the 1910s.

Ccarlsson at 08:17, 4 February 2016

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	''Photo: Peralta House''		''Photo: Peralta House''

	[[Image:~~ingletown~~-cotton-mill-now-lofts 2023.jpg]]		[[Image:Jingletown-cotton-mill-now-lofts 2023.jpg]]

	'''The Jingletown Cotton Mill abuts the Nimitz Freeway (I-880) and has been converted to "artists lofts," 2015.'''		'''The Jingletown Cotton Mill abuts the Nimitz Freeway (I-880) and has been converted to "artists lofts," 2015.'''

Ccarlsson: Created page with '''' Historical Essay ''' ''by Richard Walker, 2005'' ''Originally written for ''The Manufactured ...'

2016-02-04T08:16:41Z

Created page with '''' Historical Essay ''' ''by Richard Walker, 2005'' ''Originally written for ''The Manufactured ...'

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