19th Century Medical Self-Help - Revision history

EvaKnowles: added abstract

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	''Photo: California Historical Society''		''Photo: California Historical Society''

			{\| style="color: black; background-color: #F5DA81;"
			\| colspan="2" \|'''In the 19th century, San Francisco city officials did not provide adequate medical services to Chinatown, which meant that residents had to band together to provide their own health care. Chinese-Americans were often discriminated against in municipal facilities and were otherwise reluctant to seek medical attention outside of Chinatown. This led to the creation of small local hospitals which, though technically illegal, were permitted by city officials.'''
			\|}

	Another aspect of the story of the Chinese as medical scapegoats in San Francisco is the effect of public health policy upon the Chinese community itself. Throughout the nineteenth century, city officials were reluctant to finance any health services for the Chinese population even though Chinatown was popularly viewed as "a laboratory of infection." Early Chinese immigrants realized the necessity of banding together and providing for their own health care needs. In the 1850's they first grouped together into associations based upon loyalty to dan (family associations) or place of origin (district associations). In the 1860's, the district associations federated into the Chung Wah Kung Saw, which later became known as the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the [[The Six Companies \| Chinese Six Companies]]. During this period, each of the district associations maintained a small "hospital" in San Francisco for use by their aged or ailing members, a facility usually consisting of little more than a few bare rooms furnished with straw mats.[55] The existence of these hospitals was in direct violation of city health codes, but local officials allowed them to operate. In fact, during the leprosy scare of the 1870's, health officers ruled that lepers should be "debarred from hospital maintenance" at city expense and that "the Chinese companies should be compelled to maintain them and send them back to China."[56] Thus, from August, 1876, to October, 1878, known lepers were housed in the so-called Chinese "hospitals"; thereafter, health authorities ruled that all lepers were to be isolated in the Twenty-Sixth Street hospital.		Another aspect of the story of the Chinese as medical scapegoats in San Francisco is the effect of public health policy upon the Chinese community itself. Throughout the nineteenth century, city officials were reluctant to finance any health services for the Chinese population even though Chinatown was popularly viewed as "a laboratory of infection." Early Chinese immigrants realized the necessity of banding together and providing for their own health care needs. In the 1850's they first grouped together into associations based upon loyalty to dan (family associations) or place of origin (district associations). In the 1860's, the district associations federated into the Chung Wah Kung Saw, which later became known as the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the [[The Six Companies \| Chinese Six Companies]]. During this period, each of the district associations maintained a small "hospital" in San Francisco for use by their aged or ailing members, a facility usually consisting of little more than a few bare rooms furnished with straw mats.[55] The existence of these hospitals was in direct violation of city health codes, but local officials allowed them to operate. In fact, during the leprosy scare of the 1870's, health officers ruled that lepers should be "debarred from hospital maintenance" at city expense and that "the Chinese companies should be compelled to maintain them and send them back to China."[56] Thus, from August, 1876, to October, 1878, known lepers were housed in the so-called Chinese "hospitals"; thereafter, health authorities ruled that all lepers were to be isolated in the Twenty-Sixth Street hospital.

Ccarlsson at 05:04, 24 April 2020

2020-04-24T05:04:02Z

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	In the nineteenth century medical care in Chinatown was largely provided by herbalists and pharmacies in the classic tradition of Chinese medicine. As late as 1900, no Chinese physicians appear to have been licensed to practice medicine in the state of California; in fact, not until 1908 was the Medical Department of the University of California in San Francisco to graduate a physician of Chinese origin.[59] Some Chinese of the merchant class did seek treatment from Caucasian physicians, usually for surgical care not available from Chinese practitioners.[60] In the I880's a few church missions in Chinatown also began offering the services of white female physicians for pediatric and obstetrical care. Throughout the nineteenth century, however, the vast majority of Chinese were unwilling to consult Caucasian doctors because, as one historian has noted, "the language barriers, the higher fees, and strange medications and methods were too much to assimilate."[61]		In the nineteenth century medical care in Chinatown was largely provided by herbalists and pharmacies in the classic tradition of Chinese medicine. As late as 1900, no Chinese physicians appear to have been licensed to practice medicine in the state of California; in fact, not until 1908 was the Medical Department of the University of California in San Francisco to graduate a physician of Chinese origin.[59] Some Chinese of the merchant class did seek treatment from Caucasian physicians, usually for surgical care not available from Chinese practitioners.[60] In the I880's a few church missions in Chinatown also began offering the services of white female physicians for pediatric and obstetrical care. Throughout the nineteenth century, however, the vast majority of Chinese were unwilling to consult Caucasian doctors because, as one historian has noted, "the language barriers, the higher fees, and strange medications and methods were too much to assimilate."[61]

	The reluctance on the part of the Chinese to seek medical attention outside of Chinatown accounted in part for their low admission rate to the San Francisco City and County Hospital and to the Almshouse during the last century. An examination of the statistics on admissions to the city and county hospital for the years 1870-1897 reveals that less than .1 percent of the hospital inpatients were of Chinese origin, whereas the Chinese population in the city varied from 5 to 11 percent of the total population. Statistics on admissions to the Almshouse disclose an even lower admission rate: of 14,402 admissions from 1871 to 1886, only 14 cases were of Chinese origin.		The reluctance on the part of the Chinese to seek medical attention outside of Chinatown accounted in part for their low admission rate to the San Francisco City and County Hospital and to the [[Laguna Honda Hospital\|Almshouse]] during the last century. An examination of the statistics on admissions to the city and county hospital for the years 1870-1897 reveals that less than .1 percent of the hospital inpatients were of Chinese origin, whereas the Chinese population in the city varied from 5 to 11 percent of the total population. Statistics on admissions to the Almshouse disclose an even lower admission rate: of 14,402 admissions from 1871 to 1886, only 14 cases were of Chinese origin.

	Obviously, the low admission rate of the Chinese to municipal facilities cannot be attributed entirely to reluctance to seek Western-style care. An 1881 article in the ''San Francisco Chronicle'', headlined "No Room for Chinese: They are Denied Admission to the County Hospital," referred to a resolution of the Board of Health, adopted several years earlier, that had essentially closed City and County Hospital to Chinese patients.[62]		Obviously, the low admission rate of the Chinese to municipal facilities cannot be attributed entirely to reluctance to seek Western-style care. An 1881 article in the ''San Francisco Chronicle'', headlined "No Room for Chinese: They are Denied Admission to the County Hospital," referred to a resolution of the Board of Health, adopted several years earlier, that had essentially closed City and County Hospital to Chinese patients.[62]
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	[[Image:Chinatwn%24exclusion-act%24chs_itm%24ch-cover.jpg]]		[[Image:Chinatwn%24exclusion-act%24chs_itm%24ch-cover.jpg]]

	~~'''Footnotes'''~~		<font size=4>Notes</font size>

	55. U.S. Congress, Senate, ''Report of the Joint Special Committee to Investigate Chinese Immigration'', 44 Cong., 2 Sess., 1877, p. 646.		55. U.S. Congress, Senate, ''Report of the Joint Special Committee to Investigate Chinese Immigration'', 44 Cong., 2 Sess., 1877, p. 646.

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	'''<font face = Papyrus> <font color = maroon> <font size = 4>Historical Essay</font></font> </font>'''		'''<font face = Papyrus> <font color = maroon> <font size = 4>Historical Essay</font></font> </font>'''

	''by Dr. Joan B. Trauner''		''by Dr. Joan B. Trauner, Excerpted from the version which appeared in ''California History'', Spring 1978, Vol. LVII, No. 1, courtesy of the California Historical Society''

	[[Image:chinatwn$chinese-medical-clinic-1890s.jpg]]		[[Image:chinatwn$chinese-medical-clinic-1890s.jpg]]
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	[[19th Century Medical Self-Help, Part II \| continued]]		[[19th Century Medical Self-Help, Part II \| continued]]

	~~--by Dr. Joan B. Trauner~~		Dr. Trauner is a research specialist at the University of California, San Francisco, Medical Center in the History of Health Science Department.

	Dr. Trauner is a research specialist at the University of California, San Francisco, Medical Center in the History of Health Science Department~~. Excerpted from the version which appeared in ''California History'', Spring 1978, Vol. LVII, No. 1, courtesy of the California Historical Society~~.

	[[Image:Chinatwn%24exclusion-act%24chs_itm%24ch-cover.jpg]]		[[Image:Chinatwn%24exclusion-act%24chs_itm%24ch-cover.jpg]]

Ccarlsson: Protected "19th Century Medical Self-Help": finished essay [edit=sysop:move=sysop]

2009-01-02T08:08:37Z

Protected "19th Century Medical Self-Help": finished essay [edit=sysop:move=sysop]

← Older revision	Revision as of 01:08, 2 January 2009
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Ccarlsson: PC and protected

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			'''<font face = Papyrus> <font color = maroon> <font size = 4>Historical Essay</font></font> </font>'''

			''by Dr. Joan B. Trauner''

	[[Image:chinatwn$chinese-medical-clinic-1890s.jpg]]		[[Image:chinatwn$chinese-medical-clinic-1890s.jpg]]

Ccarlsson at 22:19, 26 September 2008

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	Dr. Trauner is a research specialist at the University of California, San Francisco, Medical Center in the History of Health Science Department. Excerpted from the version which appeared in ''California History'', Spring 1978, Vol. LVII, No. 1, courtesy of the California Historical Society.		Dr. Trauner is a research specialist at the University of California, San Francisco, Medical Center in the History of Health Science Department. Excerpted from the version which appeared in ''California History'', Spring 1978, Vol. LVII, No. 1, courtesy of the California Historical Society.

			[[Image:Chinatwn%24exclusion-act%24chs_itm%24ch-cover.jpg]]

	'''Footnotes'''		'''Footnotes'''

Ccarlsson at 07:35, 25 September 2008

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	[[19th Century Medical Self-Help, Part II \| continued]]		[[19th Century Medical Self-Help, Part II \| continued]]

	''--Joan B. Trauner, '''California History''~~' magazine''~~		--by Dr. Joan B. Trauner

			Dr. Trauner is a research specialist at the University of California, San Francisco, Medical Center in the History of Health Science Department. Excerpted from the version which appeared in ''California History'', Spring 1978, Vol. LVII, No. 1, courtesy of the California Historical Society.

	'''Footnotes'''		'''Footnotes'''

Ccarlsson at 07:33, 25 September 2008

2008-09-25T07:33:59Z

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	''--Joan B. Trauner, '''California History''' magazine''		''--Joan B. Trauner, '''California History''' magazine''

	'''Footnotes'''		'''Footnotes'''

	55. U.S. Congress, Senate, ''Report of the Joint Special Committee to Investigate Chinese Immigration'', 44 Cong., 2 Sess., 1877, p. 646.		55. U.S. Congress, Senate, ''Report of the Joint Special Committee to Investigate Chinese Immigration'', 44 Cong., 2 Sess., 1877, p. 646.

Ccarlsson at 07:33, 25 September 2008

2008-09-25T07:33:13Z

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Admin at 00:39, 12 October 2007

2007-10-12T00:39:35Z

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	'''Chinese Medical Clinic in Chinatown, c. 1890s'''		'''Chinese Medical Clinic in Chinatown, c. 1890s'''

	Another aspect of the story of the Chinese as medical scapegoats in San Francisco is the effect of public health policy upon the Chinese community itself. Throughout the nineteenth century, city officials were reluctant to finance any health services for the Chinese population even though Chinatown was popularly viewed as "a laboratory of infection." Early Chinese immigrants realized the necessity of banding together and providing for their own health care needs. In the 1850's they first grouped together into associations based upon loyalty to dan (family associations) or place of origin (district associations). In the 1860's, the district associations federated into the Chung Wah Kung Saw, which later became known as the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the [[The Six Companies Chinese Six Companies]]. During this period, each of the district associations maintained a small "hospital" in San Francisco for use by their aged or ailing members, a facility usually consisting of little more than a few bare rooms furnished with straw mats.[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club 55]] The existence of these hospitals was in direct violation of city health codes, but local officials allowed them to operate. In fact, during the leprosy scare of the 1870's, health officers ruled that lepers should be "debarred from hospital maintenance" at city expense and that "the Chinese companies should be compelled to maintain them and send them back to China."[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club 56]] Thus, from August, 1876, to October, 1878, known lepers were housed in the so-called Chinese "hospitals"; thereafter, health authorities ruled that all lepers were to be isolated in the Twenty-Sixth Street hospital.		Another aspect of the story of the Chinese as medical scapegoats in San Francisco is the effect of public health policy upon the Chinese community itself. Throughout the nineteenth century, city officials were reluctant to finance any health services for the Chinese population even though Chinatown was popularly viewed as "a laboratory of infection." Early Chinese immigrants realized the necessity of banding together and providing for their own health care needs. In the 1850's they first grouped together into associations based upon loyalty to dan (family associations) or place of origin (district associations). In the 1860's, the district associations federated into the Chung Wah Kung Saw, which later became known as the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the [[The Six Companies \| Chinese Six Companies]]. During this period, each of the district associations maintained a small "hospital" in San Francisco for use by their aged or ailing members, a facility usually consisting of little more than a few bare rooms furnished with straw mats.[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club \| 55]] The existence of these hospitals was in direct violation of city health codes, but local officials allowed them to operate. In fact, during the leprosy scare of the 1870's, health officers ruled that lepers should be "debarred from hospital maintenance" at city expense and that "the Chinese companies should be compelled to maintain them and send them back to China."[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club \| 56]] Thus, from August, 1876, to October, 1878, known lepers were housed in the so-called Chinese "hospitals"; thereafter, health authorities ruled that all lepers were to be isolated in the Twenty-Sixth Street hospital.

	Not only were local authorities ambivalent about admitting Chinese patients to municipal facilities, but they also were hesitant about providing sanitary services within the Chinatown area. Dr. A. B. Stout, a prominent physician and member of the California Board of Health, testified before a congressional investigating committee in 1877 that "the city authorities undertake to clean the city in other parts, but the Chinese are left to take care of themselves and clean their own quarter at their own expense."[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club 57]]		Not only were local authorities ambivalent about admitting Chinese patients to municipal facilities, but they also were hesitant about providing sanitary services within the Chinatown area. Dr. A. B. Stout, a prominent physician and member of the California Board of Health, testified before a congressional investigating committee in 1877 that "the city authorities undertake to clean the city in other parts, but the Chinese are left to take care of themselves and clean their own quarter at their own expense."[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club \| 57]]

	Whenever a major epidemic threatened San Francisco, however, health officials descended upon Chinatown with a vengeance. During the smallpox epidemic of 1876-1877, for instance, city health officer J. L. Meares bragged that not only had he ordered every house in Chinatown thoroughly fumigated, "but the whole of the Chinese quarter was put in a sanitary condition that it had not enjoyed for ten years."[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club 58]] Similar comments were made at the time of the bubonic plague in 1900-1901 when nearly every house in the district was disinfected and fumigated.		Whenever a major epidemic threatened San Francisco, however, health officials descended upon Chinatown with a vengeance. During the smallpox epidemic of 1876-1877, for instance, city health officer J. L. Meares bragged that not only had he ordered every house in Chinatown thoroughly fumigated, "but the whole of the Chinese quarter was put in a sanitary condition that it had not enjoyed for ten years."[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club \| 58]] Similar comments were made at the time of the bubonic plague in 1900-1901 when nearly every house in the district was disinfected and fumigated.

	In the nineteenth century medical care in Chinatown was largely provided by herbalists and pharmacies in the classic tradition of Chinese medicine. As late as 1900, no Chinese physicians appear to have been licensed to practice medicine in the state of California; in fact, not until 1908 was the Medical Department of the University of California in San Francisco to graduate a physician of Chinese origin.[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club 59]] Some Chinese of the merchant class did seek treatment from Caucasian physicians, usually for surgical care not available from Chinese practitioners.[http://shapingsf.org/wiki/chinatwn$footnotes.html 60] In the I880's a few church missions in Chinatown also began offering the services of white female physicians for pediatric and obstetrical care. Throughout the nineteenth century, however, the vast majority of Chinese were unwilling to consult Caucasian doctors because, as one historian has noted, "the language barriers, the higher fees, and strange medications and methods were too much to assimilate."[http://shapingsf.org/wiki/chinatwn$footnotes.html 61]		In the nineteenth century medical care in Chinatown was largely provided by herbalists and pharmacies in the classic tradition of Chinese medicine. As late as 1900, no Chinese physicians appear to have been licensed to practice medicine in the state of California; in fact, not until 1908 was the Medical Department of the University of California in San Francisco to graduate a physician of Chinese origin.[[info on Chinese Rev. Art Club \| 59]] Some Chinese of the merchant class did seek treatment from Caucasian physicians, usually for surgical care not available from Chinese practitioners.[http://shapingsf.org/wiki/chinatwn$footnotes.html \|60] In the I880's a few church missions in Chinatown also began offering the services of white female physicians for pediatric and obstetrical care. Throughout the nineteenth century, however, the vast majority of Chinese were unwilling to consult Caucasian doctors because, as one historian has noted, "the language barriers, the higher fees, and strange medications and methods were too much to assimilate."[http://shapingsf.org/wiki/chinatwn$footnotes.html 61]

	The reluctance on the part of the Chinese to seek medical attention outside of Chinatown accounted in part for their low admission rate to the San Francisco City and County Hospital and to the Almshouse during the last century. An examination of the statistics on admissions to the city and county hospital for the years 1870-1897 reveals that less than .1 percent of the hospital inpatients were of Chinese origin, whereas the Chinese population in the city varied from 5 to 11 percent of the total population. Statistics on admissions to the Almshouse disclose an even lower admission rate: of 14,402 admissions from 1871 to 1886, only 14 cases were of Chinese origin.		The reluctance on the part of the Chinese to seek medical attention outside of Chinatown accounted in part for their low admission rate to the San Francisco City and County Hospital and to the Almshouse during the last century. An examination of the statistics on admissions to the city and county hospital for the years 1870-1897 reveals that less than .1 percent of the hospital inpatients were of Chinese origin, whereas the Chinese population in the city varied from 5 to 11 percent of the total population. Statistics on admissions to the Almshouse disclose an even lower admission rate: of 14,402 admissions from 1871 to 1886, only 14 cases were of Chinese origin.
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	Trauner,Joan,B. - Writer		Trauner,Joan,B. - Writer

	[[Chinese as Medical Scapegoats, 1870-1905 Prev. Document]] [[19th Century Medical Self-Help, Part II Next Document]]		[[Chinese as Medical Scapegoats, 1870-1905 Prev. Document]] [[19th Century Medical Self-Help, Part II Next Document]]